After 1967 it produced a lethal blend of territorial nationalism and religious revivalism

After 1967 it produced a lethal blend of territorial nationalism and religious revivalism. The settlers in the West Bank, though small in number, were the shock-troops of the right. They believed that the West Bank was Judea and Samaria, was the land given by God to the Jews. They consciously wanted to make the settler the prototype of the Israeli of the future, replacing the left-wing kibbutznik in the Israeli pantheon.In this they have had some success.

The central divide in Israeli politics has always been between the religious and the secular, between those who go to the synagogue often and those who seldom go at all. This is complicated and deepened by the division between Jews, from Russia and Eastern Europe, with a strong secular culture and who set up the state, and those from the Middle East, whose Jewish identity was entirely religious.But the melting pot had worked in a peculiar way. The way to handle the Palestinians is to show Israeli strength, "lower their expectations" and make them grateful for whatever they receive.So far, Mr Netanyahu's policy has worked better than many of his opponents expected. Apart from the fighting which followed the opening of a tunnel under the Muslim quarter in Jerusalem in 1996, which left more than 60 dead, there has been little bloodshed. But there is no sign of Palestinian expectations diminishing. The competing authority of the Palestinian Authority and Israel on the West Bank produces, in the long term, chronic instability.The assassination of Yitzhak Rabin was also a verdict on the way Israeli society had developed over the previous 48 years. He believes Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres, his predecessors, were pursuing a chimera in imagining that normal relations with Arab states were ever really possible.

It did, however, offer back part of what Israel conquered in 1967, in a victory which it has spent 30 years trying, not very successfully, to absorb.The relationship between occupiers and occupied established at this time has dominated the Israeli political agenda ever since. It produced continual friction between Israelis and Palestinians, ensured a militarised mentality in Israel, gave preeminence to the security organs of the state, led to the legalisation of torture and debased standards of government. Yossi Beilin, Israel's leading dove and the architect of the Oslo accords, said: "Israel's sensational victory of 1967 became a curse."It is a curse likely to continue. For Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli Prime Minister, the lessons of the past are as valid today as they were when first experienced He holds that friction with Arab states is inevitable. It offered nothing to the 3.5 million Palestinians of the diaspora. The legacy of the past would continue to dominate the present. Fulfillment of the Oslo accords of 1993 would not have changed anything which had happened in 1948: the independence of Israel and catastrophe for the majority of Palestinians, forced to flee their homes and not allowed to return. Few assassins have been so successful in achieving their aim.

The death of Rabin meant that Israel would not fully end the occupation of the West Bank and the isolation of Gaza. Some 5.4 million Israelis would continue effectively to control the lives of 2.8 million Palestinians Palestinian self-determination would be denied. Russia is still in the doldrums; now was not the moment for another presidential display of the unpredictability and flamboyance which he so enjoys.. THE VERDICT on the first half century of the history of the state of Israel came two and a half years before the official anniversary. It was delivered by Yigal Amir, a nationalist student at a religious university, who fired two shots into the back of Yitzhak Rabin, the Israeli prime minister, as he left a peace rally in Tel Aviv in 1995. International confidence in Russia - never strong - has been further dented Despite years of Western hype, the economy remains critical. True, there have been a few achievements: annual inflation is down to about 11 per cent , the rouble is stable, and there are symptoms of growth this year, albeit minimal.

But the myriad woes that came with the transition to a market economy have been compounded by several unexpected blows, particularly falling oil prices and the Asian financial crisis. He will make a speech, which will support reforms but with a gentler touch, with more support for the poor and industry.If this fails to persuade the house, Mr Yeltsin - who cannot appoint a cabinet until he has a prime minister - is expected to resubmit his nomination immediately. If this is rejected three times, the Communist- dominated legislature must be dissolved and an election held. However, few expect the issue to reach that point; it seems likely to be settled by a trade-off - the promise, perhaps, of cabinet jobs for the Communists.No matter what the outcome, this political drama is one that has done no good to Mr Yeltsin. As the red flags fluttered against grey spring skies, there were plenty of calls for Mr Yeltsin's resignation.Supporters of Mr Kiriyenko estimate that he will be about 75 ballots short of the 226 votes he needs to be confirmed by the State Duma (lower house).